Can US Foreign Aid Stop the Next War?

In this episode of At The Boundary, GNSI Senior Director Jim Cardoso sits down with former USAID Senior Foreign Service Officer Greg Howell to discuss the Global Fragility Act (GFA), its bipartisan origins, and what the proposed Global Fragility Reauthorization Act could mean for the future of U.S. engagement abroad.

Drawing on more than two decades of international development experience across Africa, Latin America, the Middle East, Iraq, and Afghanistan, Howell explains how the GFA sought to integrate diplomacy, defense, and development into a coordinated “3D” approach to conflict prevention and stabilization.

The episode explores why the GFA was created, U.S. efforts to counter violent extremism in West Africa, and the evolving future of foreign assistance. Howell and Cardoso also examines how prevention-focused investment and long-term strategic engagement may help reduce future conflict costs while advancing broader U.S. national security interests.

Links from this episode:

• Student Research Fellows Program

• CIA article:

• Strategy Competition article

• Wiswesser’s book

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At the Boundary  from the Global and National Security Institute at the University of South Florida,  features global and national security issues we’ve found to be insightful, intriguing, fascinating, maybe controversial, but overall just worth talking about.

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The mission of GNSI is to provide actionable solutions to 21st-century security challenges for decision-makers at the local, state, national and global levels. We hope you enjoy At the Boundary.

Look for our other publications and products on our website publications page.

Transcript

EP 130 - 11 May (Howell)_Edit-1

Thu, May 07, 2026 2:16PM • 38:12

SUMMARY KEYWORDS

Global Fragility Act, foreign assistance, diplomacy, defense, development, USAID, State Department, coastal West Africa, violent extremism, economic opportunity, radio coverage, public affairs, Millennium Challenge Corporation, Development Finance Corporation, bipartisan legislation.

SPEAKERS

Greg Howell, Speaker 1, Jim Cardoso

Jim Cardoso  00:12

Hello everyone. Welcome to this week's episode of at the boundary, the podcast from the global and national security Institute at the University of South Florida. I'm Jim Cardoso, Senior Director for GNSI, and your host for at the boundary. Today on the podcast, I'll INTERVIEW GREG Howell, guest author of our most recent genocide decision brief, which focuses on the global fragility Reauthorization Act and its potential impact on US foreign policy, as well as the manner in which our nation provides aid and assistance to other countries. But first couple quick notes, last week was a big week at the University of South Florida commencement. USF conferred more than 8000 degrees in the first commencement under new president, Moez lemayum, we're very proud to congratulate a few specific graduates our GNSI student employees. Congratulations to Logan Mitchell, Maria Clara Cruz, Allen Jr, Costa da Silva, Abby Sawan and Sasha Hussain. Congratulations to all and welcome to the family of bulls alumni. We recently published a couple of stories to follow up the GNSI international security experience last month. The first highlights the CIA special recruiting visit that occurred during the conference. The agency was really impressed with the student focus, including the first ever USF undergraduate strategy competition. The other story focuses specifically on that strategy competition, which was a tremendous success on all fronts. We'll drop links in the show notes. Speaking of students, as we mentioned last week, we're on the lookout for the first cohort of students to fill Research Fellow positions on our staff for the fall semester. You must be a currently enrolled student to apply, but the positions are available to both graduate and undergraduate students. It's also not limited to just USF students. We are looking for both resident and non resident candidates. There may be course credit available for the resident positions. You can find more information and application details on our website. Finally, as you heard on our last episode, this is a big week for six USF students as we're sending them to the nation's capital for the inaugural GNSI DC experience. Be on the lookout for videos, pics and updates all week on our social channels. Okay, let's turn to our featured discussion this week. Greg Howell is the author of our most recent GNSI decision brief, which you can find on our website under publications. Greg is an international economic development consultant and former USAID Senior Foreign Service officer with extensive experience working in Africa, Latin America and the Middle East. He also supported the initial design and implementation of the global fragility act programming in coastal West Africa. Greg Howe, welcome to at the boundary Seth, thanks so much for being with us today.

Greg Howell  03:20

Thank you, Jim. I really appreciate your support and your team's assistance with this decision. Brief, it was really a pleasure to work with with you and your team to highlight this important issue, the global fragility Act and its impact and its innovative approach to foreign assistance.

Jim Cardoso  03:37

Yeah, we look forward to we have it published, and you know, people like people should go and read it, but we hope to dig into a little bit more. And for those who haven't read it, it'll give you some some teasers, I guess, for lack of a better term to why you should go and check it out. So before we get to the present in the future, let's go back a bit. What, what was the original global fragility act? All about?

Greg Howell  03:59

Great question. Really, the global fragility Act was passed by Congress and signed into law by President Trump in 2019 and really was landmark bipartisan legislation that really reimagined how foreign assistance could work by bringing together the Department of State, the US, Agency for International Development and the Department of Defense under a 3d construct, diplomacy, defense and development, and how these important agencies and other agencies in the US government can work together in selected countries to really provide support and increase partnership with those countries and provide greater impact for US taxpayer dollars overseas.

Jim Cardoso  04:47

So okay, but I'm going to ask why was it needed? Hasn't? Hasn't the US government been doing foreign assistance for for decades, literally. What was missing in that process that the GFA was required? Well,

Greg Howell  04:59

I think. Think we've seen in certain instances, certainly in kind of global disasters like the tsunami in Indonesia, other hurricanes, for example, where the various kind of agencies and departments in the US government came together to support a certain goal and objective. But this really codified that. And I think the bipartisan approach really wanted us to kind of get rid of those silos and be able to increase our investment and catalyze our taxpayer dollars in a way that will benefit the United States and also provide greater results in the countries in which this work was being done. And I think really, we saw that assistance is more effective when it's better coordinated across relevant department and agencies. And even more importantly, our investment goes farther, because, as the Institute for Economics and Peace showed in 2017 $1 invested now really saves $16 in the future on future conflicts.

Jim Cardoso  06:11

That's an interesting that statistic you just I'm gonna, I'm gonna revisit that later on. I'm curious about that one. But so, because that could talk to what's what happened and what could happen in the future, but we're going to talk about the future in a few minutes. We're still we're still looking back right now. So the operationalization, Boy, that's a hard word to say. Of the original act, it named nine total countries as the areas of geographic focus, and five of these countries were group, were grouped as the coastal West Africa region, and that was Benin, Cote d'Ivoire, Ghana, Guinea and Togo, and this was the area, actually, that you oversaw, and you were the regional deputy Mission Director,

Speaker 1  06:50

correct?

Jim Cardoso  06:52

Why were these countries signaled out for focus?

Greg Howell  06:55

Excellent question. Yes, I worked for USAID for over two decades. And and really during that time period, worked all around the world, the Latin America, Asia, Africa, and including Iraq and Afghanistan, alongside our US military colleagues during those conflicts, and in the coastal West Africa region where I last worked, really this construct of the three Ds really came into play, and I saw increased effectiveness for US government programs given the global fragility act and how this evolved was after the passage of that act, President Trump and his administration put together the strategy to prevent conflict and promote security, which really the policy construct to support the global fragility act. Then, during the transition to President Biden, then the Biden administration was responsible for actually selecting countries in the legislation, it was deemed that various regions and countries of the world should be selected using using criteria that was set out in the in the legislation. What

Jim Cardoso  08:14

was some of that criteria? You remember? What

Jim Cardoso  08:16

any questions?

Greg Howell  08:16

Of course, yeah, I think there were really kind of three primary categories for for the criteria, selection criteria, kind of risk and fragility of the countries around the world, also the strategic partnership potential on how the US can work with these countries to advance our own foreign policy, political and commercial interests. And finally, kind of a geographical and functional diversity. Congress wanted to see various regions of the world covered. And one interesting aspect was, in addition to countries being selected, Congress deemed that a region of the world, or a very several countries, should be selected as a regional construct to support this work. And so that's how we came to coastal West Africa. The other countries that were selected were Papua, New Guinea, Mozambique, Libya, Haiti. And so the regional construct was coastal West Africa, where I worked, and that included Guinea Togo, Cote d'Ivoire, Ghana and Benin. And so this was an interesting approach, given that those specific countries hadn't necessarily worked together to support development and security issues in that sub region. I think the important reason why that those countries were selected was because the increasing violent extremism in the Sahel, which is just north of those countries, and we saw various. Incursions and terrorist acts coming into the border areas in those coastal West African countries. So the intent was to work with those governments, work with civil society in order to try to mitigate and prevent future terrorist attacks and improve life for the citizens, particularly in the northern regions of those coastal West African countries.

Jim Cardoso  10:25

Yeah. I mean, you know that can see the increase in violent extremism in the in the Sahel, that definitely has been, look, that's been something that's been top of, top of mind for many years. So I can understand how that would, how that would drive that. But you know, it is interesting. You know, you name four countries that are kind of all over the globe, and then there's that one, that one specific region of focus that they went to on outcomes, you know, what? What results did you see achieved as as a result of the original GFA, I'm going to call GFA a little easier to say. And the and there was, and you said, there was a subsequent strategy as well that was pushed out. What was what outcomes Did you see?

Greg Howell  11:08

Yeah, I think one other important point to note regarding the legislation was the fact that they mandated that the US government put in a robust monitoring, evaluation and learning platform so that results could be evaluated and going forward and so as part of the strategy process, each of those selected countries, the embassies In those countries, as well as administration colleagues in Washington and in other capitals around the world, we put together a 10 year strategy, and that was another major difference with the global fragility act. Again, government in general is often rather short or medium term oriented, and so the drafters of this legislation really wanted to see a longer term perspective and try to make a greater impact over a 10 year period, to see you know how our US, taxpayer investments and our programming could make a greater impact in those countries, and so in coastal West Africa and in the other countries that I named, we came together as teams. And I think that was kind of an interesting bureaucratic exercise as well, because, again, each country, each embassy, is really focused on the work that they're doing locally and in, say, Ghana, for example. But in this new kind of exercise, we brought together over 50 colleagues from various the five embassies in coastal West Africa, from the Defense Department, including AFRICOM, the combatant command based in Stuttgart, and Washington colleagues, in order to come up with this 10 year strategy. And then again, the idea is kind of looking at prevention as well as stabilization of the region, and we put together a portfolio of different programs, and I think that's the important thing is, because these programs were all kind of synergistic, working off each other, there was agreement across the inter agency as to what should be the priorities, and the intent was to work closely with our host country government counterparts, and also ensure that the five countries, the governments of those five countries, are working together to solve this somewhat intractable issue of violent extremism in coastal West Africa.

Jim Cardoso  13:58

You know, you and this was all bipartisan, right? I mean, when this has came out, this is bipartisan. The strategy that came out afterward was all very had a very much a bipartisan flair to it, right?

Greg Howell  14:08

Yeah, there were, there were over 40 signatories and co sponsors to the original global fragility act. Both sides, House and Senate, had bipartisan sponsors and including on the on the Republican side, Representative Michael McCaul from Texas, on the Democratic side, Representative Sarah Jacobs from Democrat from California. And then in the Senate, Senator Lindsey Graham, Republican from South Carolina, and Senator Chris Coons from from Democrat from Delaware. We're kind of the driving force for this legislation originally, and for the Reauthorization Act that's currently before Congress. So again, I actually had the opportunity to brief representative Jacobs, as well as. Senator Coons in person in Ghana, when I was there to help inform them of the progress that was taking place with that act. And I think the important thing is kind of on the ground, we really were making a positive impact, and over a relatively short, kind of two year period in which we saw initial implementation. You know, there was progress being made, particularly in the northern regions of coastal West Africa.

Jim Cardoso  15:29

Okay, kind of see if you can rack your rack your memory a little bit here, I'm gonna test you a bit. Any, any specific, like success stories come to mind, any specific, you know, any specific events that happened during that time that you can kind of tell us the story about?

Greg Howell  15:45

Yeah, definitely. I think some of the areas that we were looking at is security, obviously, I think on the military side, the Department of Defense now, Department of War colleagues were working, really on, kind of with with their counterparts in the in the African military divisions, on kind of civilian military relations, trying to build up trust in in the military and as well as in the in the police, so that the local communities would trust their their police and military partners, and be able to closely work with them to kind of reduce security and reduce tension in in their communities. And we also work to expand radio coverage. Again, radio was one of the primary means of communication and getting news so that being able to expand the reach of radio, being able to better inform citizens and kind of cities across that region help to again, reduce conflict and provide valuable security alerts. Also, we were looking at economic opportunity. You know, the youth are underemployed for the most part, unfortunately, but being able to find short term, medium term work, sustainable jobs, kind of brings them back into the fold and reduces the potential that they may join an extremist group in the future, also boosting the success and the impact of local municipalities, mayors in particular, to demonstrate that Local Government works for the people. Show that small infrastructure projects were funded out of this global fragility Act funding to really demonstrate that local communities are providing for their people, and to kind of provide a disincentive to go over to the extremist camp. Was

Jim Cardoso  17:59

there any issue with talk about radio coverage was any issue. I assume social media was part of it, too. And, I mean, look, this is a good news story. I mean, if you're making progress in that part of the world, that means that there are maybe adversaries out there who would like to counter that progress being made. Did you have to deal with, you know, disinformation against you? I would think

Greg Howell  18:20

you would Yeah, I mean, great question, and certainly that was part of the work that we were doing. Every embassy has a robust public affairs office, so we were working through that office to kind of promote the good work being done with us, taxpayer dollars, and also working with governments and both national and local, to ensure that their social media messages were on point and again, trying to combat any misinformation from from the other side, certainly difficult but but still an ongoing process,

Jim Cardoso  19:01

no doubt. So let's jump to the present now. So I mean, with the second Trump administration, things have changed. Obviously, responsibility for foreign assistance, it was transferred from USAID to the State Department, and the State Department's Bureau of conflict and stabilization operations was disbanded. And all this drove a need for a global fragility Reauthorization Act, which I'm going to call gfra, to shorten that up, introduced also in bipartisan manner by, like you said, the same people, to reintroduce that into 2025 what does this updated gfra seek to che achieve, and what's the status of the bill?

Greg Howell  19:38

Great, well, currently, the status is still in committee, both on the Senate and House side. As I mentioned, the previous kind of co sponsors of the initial global fragility Act have kind of put forward this Reauthorization Act, and I think that also emphasizes the importance of this. This policy and this legislation. Well,

Jim Cardoso  20:03

you said too that they went downrange. I mean, they went down and they saw you all you know, all you know, on the premises there. They weren't just in Washington. They were actually, you know, intimately engaged with that. So you can see over time that they wanted to, want to see this succeed.

Greg Howell  20:16

No, exactly. And I think it's also important that, you know, Secretary of State, Rubio, in his confirmation hearings in January of last year, did highlight global the global fragility Act work as an important, you know, policy and an important approach. And so I think, you know, obviously things have changed regarding foreign assistance, in particular over the past year that said they're looking at different ways to approach this, and I think the intent of the global fragility act is really a great way to demonstrate efficiency, demonstrate impact, and an innovative approach to kind of focus and concentrate our US government funding to achieve our overall foreign policy goals in again again, we're looking to create safer, more secure, more prosperous communities around The world and for Americans. And I think GFA did that in the kind of two short years of actual implementation, and can continue that in the future with some tweaks, as were put forward by these members of Congress. I think one important one is looking at two of the countries that were selected, initially, Haiti and Libya, kind of revisiting those two in particular, given that, given that the security situation in at least Haiti in particular has further deteriorated And likely needs a different approach to try to kind of address that somewhat intractable situation in Haiti and for the Haitian people Libya as well, is kind of divided and faces its own challenges. But that said, I think the idea of the 3d approach diplomacy, development and defense and kind of focusing our work in specific countries is is still valid as well. Under the current Trump administration, they were looking at a more transactional diplomatic approach and more commercial diplomacy in the State Department's current strategy, the focus is really on trade, which is appropriate. During my career, I personally focused on trade capacity strengthening in many countries in the world. One of my first assignments was really in Sub Saharan Africa, to try to advance the Africa Growth and Opportunity Act and increase trade and create business linkages between us and African companies, which was successful. And so I think this is where the Trump administration wants to go, and by using some of the tools that were developed under the global fragility act. I think it could be another way to advance our interests and foreign policy priorities globally.

Jim Cardoso  23:32

In your article, you talk about two organizations with the Reauthorization Act, the US International Development Finance Corporation and the Millennium Challenge Corporation, and you describe them as key interagency partners in the Reauthorization Act. I bet a lot of people are not familiar with these two organizations. So can you talk a little bit about their roles?

Greg Howell  23:54

No, for sure. Jim, yeah, under the first two years of implementation, kind of 2021 to 23 the Millennium Challenge Corporation and the Development Finance Corporation played kind of a tangential role compared to the other three agencies that I mentioned at the outset. But now, in particular, the US, International Development Finance Corporation is playing a much more prominent role under the current Trump administration. This, this the DFC, as it's known, was established in 2020 under the first term of President Trump. And really it's the US government's international investment arm. And really the DFC is mobilizing private capital to advance US foreign policy and economic development. Just last year, the DFCS mandate was reauthorized, and they now have a 200 over $200 billion investment cap. So there's a lot of room there for the DFC to. Operate going forward also the Millennium Challenge Corporation. It was created under the president, President George W Bush administration in 2004 and really it creates kind of its mandate is to work with the democratic and economic countries to invest in their futures, and really has a model in which they're selecting countries based on various criteria they're they're also working primarily on kind of infrastructure projects, power road and other other areas in which they focus specific funding on a certain sector or issue, and they're kind of moving forward again under the Trump administration.

Jim Cardoso  25:50

So let's, I'm going to go backwards a bit so you, you know you obviously, you promote the need to reauthorize and revise the global fragility act. And the quote you included in your article, and you said it today earlier, was that for every dollar invested now, the cost of conflict could be reduced by $16 over the long run. And I'm not seeking accounting details or spreadsheets or anything like that, but help the audience understand how that I guess, ratio of benefit is determined or approached.

Greg Howell  26:20

Well, I think we can, we can kind of point directly to West Africa, currently, just over the weekend in Mali, violent extremists in a kind of coordinated approach, attacked the Capitol Obama CO and several military bases around the country, killing the minister of defense and really creating a tremendous amount of uncertainty in that country regarding its future government. And so this is the kind of insecurity that really the global fragility Act was intended to prevent and help stabilize, and the whole reason why coastal West Africa was selected in the first place. So the idea is that by mitigating against some of these extremist tendencies and trying to work with governments to provide a defense against terrorists in the future. Again, we won't have to go in with the larger guns, larger weapons in the future. For example, in northern Mozambique, which was the focus of global fragility act programming. Over the past two years, they've already seen an increase in violence after some of the GFA funded programs have been cut in 2025

Jim Cardoso  27:55

Okay, so that's some pretty clear some pretty clear relationships there. So okay, so let's so let's get to the future and or the person to the future. What we're looking forward to both the both the national security strategy released in November of last year and the State Department's agency strategic plan in January, described the renewed attention on us, interest in the Western Hemisphere, and re emphasis on peace and security Indo Pacific. And you also talked a little bit about that kind of transactional, trade based approach, as well as you call in the article and really, and the title of the art, well, you call it GFA 2.0 but the title of article is also, you know, through the America First policy lens. So describe. What do you see happening with foreign assistance in general, to a certain extent, and also with GFA in particular, with this new lens.

Greg Howell  28:51

Well, as you pointed out, Jim, you know, foreign assistance was was paused in 2025 and I think we're seeing some initial kind of revision and kind of changes in in foreign assistance now that the work of USAID has been subsumed into the State Department, but I think we see still a need for this type of work globally, particularly As it relates to kind of creating partnerships, kind of boosting our collaboration around the world, and looking at specific areas of the world in which we have interest influence and foreign policy objectives. And so I think that's where the work and the intent of the global fragility act comes into play by selecting countries that we can work, work in in the future, and providing that assistance in a collaborative way that not only brings in local local funding, but also. Multilateral donors, for example, in coastal West Africa, we actually created a mechanism that is now fun, is continuing, and was funded by the US government, by the UK and Germany. And so that actually that work is actually continuing and is a legacy of the global fragility Act work called the coastal state Stability Mechanism is doing some of the similar work that I mentioned earlier, and I think is another example as to how working together, we can also bring in investment from from other sources to kind of boost and bolster the US taxpayer funding. So going forward, I think there are certain areas of the world that still are high on the priority list, both for the for the Trump administration and for the US government. Coastal West Africa, I think is still a valid area in which to wish to work, perhaps bringing Nigeria into into that construct, because Nigeria's is the largest country in the region, one of the largest in Africa, with a with A strong military. Obviously, our focus on energy is critical and coastal West Africa. Who in Nigeria, with Nigeria included, constitutes about 4% of global energy production. Again, another reason to kind of maintain those allies in that region, obviously, in the Middle East, a lot going on these days, always is. And so given, given the fact that, you know, things are changing quickly, there's likely not a an inch to do something in the short term, but in the medium term, you know, Lebanon, Syria, maybe even Yemen, depending on on how things change and the focus of our foreign policy going forward, may need assistance, and again, looking at the kind of transactional diplomacy that I referred to earlier, we need to look at ways in which we can kind of work more collaboratively with various countries. Venezuela is certainly high on that list, and certainly kind of moving forward on the trajectory, the positive trajectory after the capture of Nicolas Maduro a few months ago, and Secretary Rubio's plan, three part plan that was announced after after that in January for stabilization, recovery and transition of Venezuela will go a long way. That said, you know, while oil production is increasing in Venezuela, there's a lot of work to be done. Venezuela, you know, has a lot of issues, high poverty. You know, about 20% of its population is actually outside of the country given the failed policies of Chavez and Maduro. So about 8 million Venezuelans are currently living as migrants across South America. Also, hospitals, schools, the water and sanitation infrastructure are failing, and there needs major economic reform as well, given the failed decades of socialist, corrupt authoritarian policies over Chavez and Maduro over the past several decades. So oil revenue alone will not solve Venezuela's issues, but working collaboratively and a kind of a whole of government approach from the US government will again boost that future ally of the US government.

Jim Cardoso  33:51

You You talk about earlier, you talked about the 10 year plans, you know, the fact that you know Congress wanted to get after that in more of a long term manner, but also in the article, you talk about the need to revise and refocus those 10 year plans. What do you think that? What do you think that's going to

Greg Howell  34:05

look like again?

Jim Cardoso  34:07

That's the opera. That's the operationalization. Set it right that time of the strategy?

Greg Howell  34:13

No, I mean, I think it'll take kind of, kind of the Trump administration to kind of embrace and re look at at the Global fragility, act again as a useful tool of foreign policy. And then bring, bring together the various, you know, agencies and departments that would support this, obviously, State Department, Department of War currently, and as we mentioned, middleman Challenge Corporation, international development finance, corporation, and kind of reconsider both the selection criteria and the countries that would be top of the list currently. And I think you know, whatever you call it, the idea of kind of focus. Concentrating our efforts and our foreign assistance in various countries that are the top priorities for foreign policy is a good one. We saw those dividends play out, although just over a two year period. If we had kind of a longer time frame to be able to work in some of these countries, I think we would have seen even more benefit for the countries we're working at work we're working in, and for the American people,

Jim Cardoso  35:30

any kind of at the end of the podcast, any final thoughts before we recall it?

Greg Howell  35:35

No, I appreciate it, Jim, and thanks again for the work that you and your team are doing here at the global and national security Institute to advance foreign policy and highlight the major issues for national security around the world.

Jim Cardoso  35:49

Yeah, we appreciate having experts like you here in Tampa, engaging with us, engaging with the students here, engaging with the faculty. It just, it's just another way that we feel that Tampa Bay is it's the place to be. There's a lot going on here the national security and diplomacy, and even as there are changes in how the US administers foreign assistance, foreign assistance isn't going away. And so we'll just watch how those changes go, and hopefully we'll see this global fragility Reauthorization Act continue to move forward through the process at some point

Greg Howell  36:24

for sure. Thank you so much.

Jim Cardoso  36:25

Greg Howell, thank you for your thoughts today. Appreciate your time special. Thanks to our guest today, Greg Howell, an international economic development consultant and former USAID Senior Foreign Service officer with extensive experience working in Africa, Latin America and the Middle East. He's also the author of our most recent GNSI decision brief. Next week on the podcast, we'll step into the covert world of Russian espionage, sabotage and spy craft with the author. Sean wiesser, a former senior Operations Officer with the CIA who recently published his book, tradecraft tactics and dirty tricks Russian intelligence and Putin's secret war, our own intelligence and covert operations expert Dr Jeff ROG will conduct the interview. Should be a great episode if you don't want to miss that one or any other episode, be sure to like and subscribe to at the boundary on your favorite podcast platform, thanks for sharing some time with us today as well. You can find GNSI on YouTube, LinkedIn and x be sure to follow like and subscribe. Tell your friends and colleagues as well, and be sure to sign up for our monthly newsletter. You can find all this on our website, usf.edu/gnsi, slash GNSI, that's going to wrap up this episode of at the boundary. Each new episode will feature global and national security issues we found to be insightful, intriguing, maybe controversial, but overall, just we're talking about. I'm Jim Cardoso, and we'll see you at the boundary.